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Breastfeeding in the House of Commons is just one part of a family-friendly Parliament

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Better scheduling around school holidays, maternity and paternity cover, and leave to care for elderly parents should all be available to those who work in a modern, representative legislature.

Well that settles it, then. According to Sir Simon Burns, breastfeeding in the House of Commons would “risk tabloid ridicule”, so it clearly should not even be considered. Though in the same debate he said he didn’t agree that the “overwhelming majority” of MPs were white males. In fact 436 of the 650 MPs are white men, which at 67 per cent looks like an overwhelming majority to me, especially when you consider white men make up just 42 per cent of the UK population.

The debate was on the family-friendliness of the House of Commons, which is something of an oxymoron for a workplace that requires most of its members to work in two locations hundreds of miles apart each week.

Yet efforts to improve the working arrangements to enable a wide range of people to take on the role of Member of Parliament are important. Of course the usual business case for diversity applies as in any organisation – attracting the best talent, avoiding groupthink, and building better-performing teams. But in addition to this, the body that is at the heart of our democracy, that makes our laws and holds the government to account, needs to be representative of our population to have credibility and legitimacy.

Lots of positive suggestions were put forward in the debate, including better scheduling of Parliamentary recesses to coincide with school holidays, more predictability of debates and votes, a drop-in crèche facility to complement the nursery, introducing maternity cover for MPs and compassionate carers’ leave for staff facing family emergencies. Rightly, the debate included family responsibilities beyond parenting, whether for elderly relatives or for partners who become ill. Professor Sarah Childs, the respected expert on gender and politics from Bristol University, is currently preparing recommendations for reform of Parliament to make it more accessible to people from under-represented groups, so it was a timely discussion.

Predictably, coverage of the wide-ranging debate focused largely on breastfeeding, as newspapers do love the chance to write about boobs, which was perhaps Sir Simon’s underlying point. But to shy away from discussing the practicalities of new mothers returning to work because of media sensationalism or misplaced embarrassment about women’s bodies is what would actually be worthy of ridicule.

It is an important issue for any employer to consider, but Parliament even more so. The lack of any maternity or parental leave cover means that MP parents are often back at work sooner than they would be in other jobs. Previous governments with small majorities have hauled in seriously-ill MPs on hospital trolleys in order to vote, so the idea of parents of very young babies being required to vote is (sadly) not far-fetched.

Personally, I never wanted to breastfeed in the House of Commons chamber. As a minister I tended to be in the Chamber to answer questions or take a Bill through its legislative stages, which I would not have found straightforward while feeding a baby, accomplished though I am at multitasking. Nor does breastfeeding live on TV really appeal to me.

But surely best practice should be to consider what will work for any individual woman who is returning to work from maternity leave? Her requirements will vary depending on how old the baby is, whether she is exclusively breastfeeding, or expressing milk for bottle feeds, or using formula, or a combination of these. The Speaker of the House of Commons should have the discretion to make whatever adjustments are reasonable to support MPs to do their job, rather than have a blanket ban on certain options.

Some women might find that feeding in the Chamber, or during a Bill Committee session, would be the least fuss way to make it work. Others might welcome a relaxation of the rule that you have to sit through the entirety of a debate you want to speak in – which at five or six hours might be impractical with a tiny, hungry baby. Being able to watch on TV from their office while feeding and then joining the debate later might be another practical solution. As Minister for Employment Relations, I commissioned ACAS to produce guidance for employers on how simple adjustments can help breastfeeding mums returning to work– sometimes it can be as simple as an extra break to express milk, and the ability to use a fridge at work to store it. There is also an excellent leaflet for employers from Maternity Action on the subject. Small changes can make a big difference, and Parliament should not be exempt.

For me, the change John Bercow embraced as Speaker of the House of Commons to enable my husband or me to walk through the division lobby to vote while carrying our son, was really helpful for the many votes that happened when the Commons nursery had closed. I’m delighted that so many other MPs have now made use of this – and you know what, the sky hasn’t fallen in.

More changes are needed in Parliament, and in workplaces across the country, to ensure we do not lose out on talented people just because they become parents, or have family responsibilities. The business case for diversity is clear, now organisations have to change to reap the benefits.

Jo Swinson was Liberal Democrat MP for East Dunbartonshire 2005-15 and Minister for Employment Relations 2012-15. She is now chair of Maternity Action

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The public sector can actually teach the enterprise a thing or two...

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Impacting lives through innovation.

There is a general perception that the public sector lags behind its private counterpart when it comes to technology. But this is unfair. In my experience some of the most innovative technology applications have been within the public sector, and particularly in the UK. There is a wealth of inventive talent generating creative technology solutions for healthcare, education and government challenges; it just tends to be on a slightly smaller scale than the private sector.

When it comes to collaboration and ideas sharing, technology is the answer, and video in particular. The UK has the world’s best healthcare system. An independent panel of experts declared it top of the league tables, even above countries which spend far more on health. The National Health Service is an expert in doing more with less. A great example of this is Blackpool Teaching Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust’s use of video collaboration to deliver speech and language therapy. Not only are they able to treat more patients, they are able to offer them a better service. High definition video collaboration allows practitioners to make accurate assessments on a wide range of diagnostic variables from a remote location. The trust cares for a number of patients with dysphagia (swallowing difficulties) who are often elderly and living in nursing homes. Transporting them to hospital for assessment is stressful and risky. By training the nursing home staff to manage an iPad equipped with secure video instead the patient can be cared for in the comfort of their own home. It also frees up the therapists to treat more patients with swallowing problems as each appointment is far more efficient. It’s about removing distance from the equation.

Remote assessment isn’t about creating a production line for appointments though, it’s about matching the right specialist to the patient, especially when it’s critical. Some NHS trusts have  geographical complications, with populations spread out over large, rural areas. Cumbria & Lancashire is one of these examples. That’s why Cumbria and Lancashire Cardiac and Stroke Network decided to use telemedicine to link eight hospitals. When a patient suffers a suspected stroke it’s important they are accurately assessed by a specialist to determine whether thrombolysis (the use of drugs to break up or dissolve blood clots) treatment is appropriate.  These drugs must be administered within four hours of a stroke to be effective. Combining video carts in the hospitals with software on laptops for doctors means that the assessment can be made from wherever an available doctor may be, including at home. The patient gets the expert help they need in the shortest possible time and the trust estimates that the system saves £8 million a year which can be reinvested in services for the community.

It’s not just about bringing patients to the specialists, it’s also about enabling patient-driven healthcare. In February 2012, the NHS National Quality Board (NQB) published the NHS Patient Experience Framework, which makes respect of patient-centred preferences a key objective. Lancashire Teaching Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust has embodied this in an amazing way, by using video-enabled support for those who opt for home dialysis. Performing the process themselves at home means more independence and a better quality of life for patients. However, there is evidence to show that those on long-term dialysis can suffer from memory impairment, meaning remembering the complex process can sometimes be difficult. Having the nursing staff on screen means that should anything go wrong they can coach the patient through the corrections. Putting patients in control of their treatment is the future of effective healthcare.

All of these examples show that the NHS is making great strides with its use of technology, however there are plenty of areas where video could deliver even better value for trusts, not only in terms of live calls. There’s a lot of talk about the NHS going digital but we need to think beyond text-based records. Yes it’s important to move beyond handwritten notes but why stop there? If a picture is worth a thousand words, how much more valuable is a moving, talking picture? Instead of using one doctor’s notes on an assessment, a video record of that assessment would allow each specialist to make their own, objective assessment. The cost of storage is getting relatively cheaper, making expanded record-keeping in this way a more realistic and affordable solution. Beyond cost-saving, it would deliver a better, more joined up, quality of care for the patient.

Other verticals stand to gain from more efficient use of collaborative technologies. Teaching institutions traditionally make good use of these kinds of solutions at a higher education level, as they have historically been seen as a way to bring more students into one room for purposes such as distance learning degrees. However, the beauty of these systems is that they can be used to expand horizons for students, even at primary and secondary levels. Certain subjects such as foreign languages or music require specialist knowledge to teach, making it difficult for a small school to offer them all amongst a small body of staff. Purchasing these skills via external sessions can be prohibitively expensive. For many smaller educational institutions, video collaboration can offer a way to share the cost of outside expertise. Dumfries and Galloway Council in Scotland uses video to bring music education and tuition to pupils at 120 schools. Video units are installed in the schools and a specialist teacher delivers classes from a central location. In this way the participating schools benefit from a shared resource, and the more remote locations are still able to offer music education even when adverse weather could prevent a roaming teacher from visiting the more rural schools.

Technology needs to bring more than local expertise to the classroom. In an increasingly globalised economy, experience of other cultures is becoming more important for future job prospects. Beyond speaking a foreign-language, students need to understand how to work on an international scale. Global Nomads Group has used video collaboration to bring teenagers in the US together with their peers living in very different environments, including on the border of Chad and Sudan and in Rwanda. Through its Youth Talk program schools are paired for a year, working with teachers in many countries to help break down stereotypes and stigmas, ultimately increasing the likelihood of tolerance in the future by building awareness and understanding between different cultures today. Education is about more than just ‘the three Rs’ and that means getting out of the classroom to learn.

According to the Health and Safety Executive, “school trips have clear benefits for pupils”. Unfortunately the expense and organisation requirements of school trips means that most schools struggle to provide regular external-learning opportunities. Children from deprived areas are particularly affected as parental contributions to costs are often necessary to fund the trips, meaning schools in low-income areas are restricted. The Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of African Art uses video to offer virtual school trips free of charge in the US. Arts learning in the States suffers from similar constraints to the UK; budget cuts and accountability programmes have nearly halved the hours spent in art classes since 2001, so this programme is a way of putting art back in the classroom. The UK might be on a slightly smaller scale, but it boasts an impressive array of museums, over two and half thousand in total and five are amongst the most-visited in the world. It’s not practical to drive children to every single one, but they can visit for an hour with video meaning that more regular educational visits can become a part of the curriculum for more children. There is significant evidence to show that these kinds of activities not only improve pupils’ personal, social and emotional development but also provide a hook for capturing the imagination of disengaged pupils, drawing them back in to their learning.

Improving access to public sector services is key to making them more efficient and cost effective. This is even more of a hot topic in the social sector. Digital exclusion seriously affects the 12 million people in the UK who have a limiting long-term illness, impairment or disability. Removing barriers to access has a positive impact on so many other areas of social services. In its simplest sense, it is about making it physically easier for people to meet with the correct representative. Putting social services access online is a great first step. Although 16% of UK households do not have access to connectivity in their homes, public libraries offer free internet access. This means that for those who are most needy and unable to afford transport could attend an appointment from a local library for free. The advent of open standards such as WebRTC means that secure, high grade video collaboration doesn’t require any software on your computer, it can be accessed via a web link. Therefore those who have mobility issues or health conditions which limit their ability to leave their house can join a meeting with all the relevant government representatives from their home.

Reducing risk for the vulnerable is incredibly important for social services, this can be as simple as avoiding unnecessary trips for the old or infirm, or it can be used in situations where being physically present can be stressful or detrimental to the individual. For example, victims providing evidence in trials can now do so via video from a location where they feel safe and secure.

In fact, video can be used to keep the general public safe from those who have committed crimes. The cost of bringing an offender to present in court can be extremely expensive when you take into account the number of agencies and officials included, as well as ensuring public safety when transporting them. Video arrangment allows the court to conduct appearances of offenders without transportation costs or security risks. Also, it’s more pleasant for the person presenting. We are innocent until proven guilty, even for those that can’t afford bail. Attending via video means that the individuals aren’t subjected to additional body searches, the use of handcuffs and long periods of uncomfortable waiting.

But video isn’t just something to be planned into processes, it can be the answer to unplanned events. Governments often need flexible and scalable solutions to deal with humanitarian crises, for example the current refugee situation in Europe. In this instance video collaboration could be the way to process large numbers of people in an efficient manner. Previously the hardware and networking provisions necessary to run video solutions made this impossible, but with modern flexible and scalable as-a-service options it’s perfectly possible to use video to draft in the necessary resources to help people quickly. Video could be used to conduct interviews with people in situ, whilst conferencing in translators to be as efficient as possible at processing people in their time of need. Translating over a video-call is much more accurate, as it is easier to correctly interpret context and meaning with the added information derived from facial expressions and gestures.

Video is a great work-around for when you can’t get staff ‘on the ground’ straight away. It’s also an important tool for protecting any organisation’s most valuable asset; it’s people. In September 2014 Polycom provided video conferencing equipment to the World Health Organisation to aid coordination of the agencies combatting the Ebola outbreak. When dealing with a highly infectious disease epidemic it’s important to limit unnecessary contact and travel in the affected region. However, it’s crucial that the right experts are able to see the situation clearly. Video is the perfect solution; it allows leader’s in the field to get a ‘first-hand’ view of the situation on the ground, accurately confirm suspected cases and securely share information including medical documents, all without placing them and their key-knowledge in harm’s way.

There’s no doubt that there are countless ways that the public sector can make use of video collaboration to improve services in a time of reduced budgets and stretched resources. According to the Institute of Fiscal Studies, government spending cuts will continue until 2020, which means that the public sector needs to learn how to use technology to fill the void. In the past the public sector has been put off by the cost of video conferencing. But now is the time to take advantage of more affordable solutions, and to calculate the benefits that modern solutions bring without fixating on the upfront investment. The public sector needs to harness the benefits of video communications and collaboration to deliver better services with less money and fewer resources.

The world is changing, in ten years the public will no longer expect to have to physically attend meetings to access services. They will also be perfectly comfortable with their public representative contacting them in this way, as long as it leads to better service, shorter waiting times and easier access. Younger generations are already au fait with video collaboration and its benefits, and they will expect to have this option for accessing the services to which they are entitled. The public sector has a chance to meet these expectations if it acts now. And it’s not just the public, local government employees want this change too; only 45% of such employees feel that they are provided with access to the technology services and applications they need to do their job. Let’s change that statistic and let our public sector agents perform to the best of their ability.

The Becky Watts murder shows that in a world of violence against women, porn is just one more form of it

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It is not a question of whether pornography “caused” this crime, but of the culture we have created around gender, sex and power.

In Ali Smith’s novel How to be Both, teenage girl George – recently motherless – becomes obsessed with a pornographic clip. She spends almost all her free time watching it, and watching it, and watching it. It features a very young woman, perhaps young enough to be a girl herself, although of course George knows nothing about who she is or how she came to be in this film. Understandably, George’s father is concerned when he finds out what his daughter is doing. He wants to know why, and so she tells him:

This really happened, George said. To this girl. And anyone can watch it just, like, happening, any time he or she likes. And it happens for the first time, over and over again, every time someone who hasn’t seen it before clicks on it and watches it. So I want to watch it for a completely different reason. Because my completely different watching of it goes some way to acknowledging all of that to this girl. Do you still not understand?”

Most people, of course, do not watch pornography for the same high-minded reasons as George. Most of them watch it to get off, and most of them are men – pornography is produced by and for men, an orgiastic confirmation of the most brutal sexual and racial stereotypes. At this point, it’s habitual for pornography defenders to step in and muddy the waters. Not all porn is like that, you will be told, and anyway how can you define porn, and even if you could, how would you prove that pornography actually caused harm?

One thing at a time. There is actually a perfectly good and workable definition of pornography – it’s from Dworkin and MacKinnon’s Antipornography Civil Rights Ordinance. This is it: “Pornography is the graphic sexually explicit subordination of women through pictures and/or words.” They also specify that in porn, women will be dehumanised as sexual objects, or shown to enjoy pain and humiliation, or to take pleasure in being raped, or shown tied or mutilated or injured, or presented in sexually submissive poses, or reduced to body parts.

The difference between porn and not-porn, which is so often presented as an intractable question of taste beyond which the discussion cannot proceed, is clearly described here as political rather than aesthetic. There will be cases that test the boundaries or demand deeper consideration than others, but for the most part, everything that you think is probably porn would count as porn under the Ordinance. (Which is not to say the Ordinance, were it enforced, would ban it: the purpose of the Ordinance is not censorship, but to allow women harmed through the production or use of pornography to sue the makers for damages.)

I imagine the 19,000 images possessed by Nathan Matthews and Shauna Hoare, the killers of Becky Watts, would pass the Ordinance definition. They preferred images of teenagers, young women in school uniform, threesomes; most of the material was legal, but one of their files was a video of a woman being raped. (“And anyone can watch it just, like, happening,” says George in How to be Both, “and it happens for the first time, over and over again.”) I say “they”, but it is pretty clear whose sexual tastes this collection reflects. The schoolgirl fetish is Matthews’: Hoare was the schoolgirl herself when Matthews first picked her up, a child of 14 or 15 who had been in and out of care.

He was seven years older, and confirmed his control over her in all the usual ways that men do: isolated her from her family, stopped her going to college, attacked and strangled her, told her she was fat, withheld food and cigarettes, and when all that failed to keep her in line, threatened to harm himself. The evidence presented in court showed Hoare was a collaborator in the fantasies of kidnap and rape the two concocted, but she was exactly that: a collaborator, an occupied population choosing between resistance and compliance with the occupier.

It is not a question of whether pornography “caused” Matthews and Hoare to commit their crime. What matters is this: in a world sodden with violence against women, pornography is one more form of it. Matthews and Hoare apparently made no distinction between legal images and the video of the rape. All served the same need to see women (in Hoare’s case, other women besides herself) subordinated and dehumanised. Pornography is the propaganda of gender. Through it, men and women alike learn what women are supposed to be for: something to fuck, something to use, something to hurt if you’d like to, and something to dispose of when you’re finished. Matthews and Hoare dismembered Becky Watts with a circular saw.

Mark Bridger watched images of child abuse and murder before he murdered April Jones. Stuart Hazell watched images of child abuse and searched for incest porn before he murdered Tia Sharpe, the granddaughter of his partner. Vincent Tabak watched pornographic videos of blonde women being strangled before he strangled blonde Joanna Yeates. A 13-year-old boy raped his eight-year-old sister after watching pornography. Jamie Reynolds used violent pornography with images of nooses before he murdered Georgia Williams by hanging. First the theory, then the practice.

And this pattern does not apply only to confirmed criminals and obvious monsters. A 2014 BMJ study of teenagers found an increasing prevalence of anal sex, which the participants explained they had learned about from porn. There was little thought that the girls would enjoy or even consent to it – boys “accidentally” penetrating the wrong orifice was presented as normal, and girls expected anal sex to be painful. It was pornsex: the subjugation and humiliation of women to serve male desires. And this is how porn operates: first through the eyes, and then in the mind, and then back through the body, against other bodies. Humans are creatures of culture, and the culture we have made for sex is one where women are destroyed. Do you still not understand?

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Jeremy Corbyn does not want George Galloway to rejoin, says Labour MP Dawn Butler

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The chair of the women's Parliamentary Labour Party also warns there would be an "almighty revolt" if the former MP returned. 

Ever since Jeremy Corbyn became Labour leader the question of whether George Galloway could rejoin the party has been asked. The former Respect head, a Labour MP from 1987 until his expulsion in 2003, said in July that he would return "pretty damn quick" if Corbyn won. Speaking on Friday, Ken Livingstone commented: "If he wanted to come back in to the party, in order to support Jeremy Corbyn, and he's prepared to abide by our rules, of course we should take him back."

The issue was raised at Monday's Parliamentary Labour Party meeting when Jess Phillips, speaking on behalf of Galloway's successor in Bradford West, Naz Shah (who was unable to attend), said he should never be allowed to rejoin. Asked recently whether he had discussed returning with Corbyn, Galloway replied: "I wouldn’t go public with what my communication has been with him but we’re in touch through others. I’ve no doubt my point of view is heard." 

Now, in an article for Progress, Dawn Butler, who nominated Corbyn for the Labour leadership (later voting for Andy Burnham), has gone public with her communication with the Labour leader. "I have spoken to Jeremy Corbyn and he has told me he is not in favour of letting Galloway back in," she writes. Butler, the MP for Brent Central and the chair of the women's Parliamentary Labour Party, warns there would be an "almighty revolt" if he was readmitted. She writes: "Galloway has an ugly track record in opposing Labour women. Talk to Naz Shah, the brilliant new member of parliament for Bradford West, who described Galloway’s election campaign as 'misogynistic, vitriolic and very dangerous'. He questioned her revelation that she had been forced into marriage at the age of 15, totally missing the point that it was a forced marriage."

Butler adds: "A little more insight into the man was revealed when Salma Yaqoob resigned as leader of Respect over Galloway’s podcast in which he explained, 'Not everybody needs to be asked prior to each insertion. Some people believe that when you go to bed with somebody, take off your clothes, and have sex with them and then fall asleep, you're already in the sex game with them.' Kate Hudson, who had been planning to stand as Respect’s candidate in the Manchester Central by-election in 2012, pulled out of the contest following the remarks."

She writes that it has been suggested that those arguing for his readmission "want to stop him standing in the London mayoral election" against Labour's Sadiq Khan. But adds: "Galloway stood for the London assembly in 2008 and got two per cent of the vote. I think we should have faith in Sadiq, a candidate who personifies London in all its glorious diversity."

In an interview in July, Corbyn told the New Statesman: "No doubt George and I will come across each other somewhere . . . I thought the tactics he used against our candidate [Naz Shah] were appalling. I was quite shocked; it was appalling."

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Narendra Modi’s visit to Britain is a welcome distraction from problems at home

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When far from home, Modi quickly re-finds the voice that won over his countrymen in 2014.

It is often said that the longer they hold office, the more national leaders enjoy the distractions of occasional trips abroad. That so many assume this holds for Narendra Modi, who begins his first official visit to Britain this week, barely a year and a half after his stunning victory in national elections, gives a sense of how quickly his fortunes have ebbed.

India’s prime minister, a polished showman and gifted communicator, will have meetings with David Cameron and lunch with the Queen, and will visit the former home of B R Ambedkar, a champion of India’s lower castes, in Primrose Hill, north London. But as on recent trips to New York, San Francisco and Sydney, the main event will be a glitzy stadium show for members of India’s diaspora, 60,000 of whom are set to pack into Wembley Stadium on Friday 13 November. Few world leaders can match Modi for these raw displays of soft power.

Even so, he arrives a diminished figure. Last week he suffered a heavy defeat in elections in Bihar, an eastern state with 105 million people, and one of the central political battlegrounds in India’s Hindi-speaking heartland. Those same Biharis backed Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party and its allies last May, encouraged by promises to create jobs and end corruption, helping the BJP become the first party in a generation to win a majority in India’s lower house of parliament. They were less charitable this time, handing victory to a hastily formed coalition of Modi rivals. The defeat was Modi’s second in state polls in 2015, leaving him weaker politically than at any time since his climb to national prominence began more than five years ago.

When far from home, Modi quickly re-finds the voice that won over his countrymen in 2014 – a leader with a no-nonsense approach to economic development, but one who also seemed to have outgrown the worst extremes of his party’s Hindu nationalist wing. He shows a softer side, too. A few months ago in Silicon Valley he swapped bear hugs with Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook and talked emotionally about his mother. Even without such theatrics, Modi remains popular among prosperous diasporan Indians, who will arrive at Wembley ready to cheer.

That this part of Modi’s trip is all but guaranteed to go well will come as something of a relief in Britain, where the government has fretted that the pomp offered last month to China’s president, Xi Jinping, would leave their latest guest feeling belittled. Cameron often says that rebuilding ties with India ranks as his foremost foreign policy priority. He has visited the country often, both as opposition leader and as prime minister. Modi was slow in reciprocating, leading many to spy an old grudge.

Britain cut ties with Modi when he was accused of complicity in 2002’s bloody anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat, the state that he ran as chief minister. Over the next decade he grew more politically powerful, but also distanced himself from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, a hardline Hindu group in which he once served as a foot soldier. Both these factors smoothed the way for relations to be renewed in 2012. Even so, he is said to recall the indignities of his pariah years only too well, which explains why he visited dozens of countries before Britain.

For all this, Modi’s stature abroad only makes his domestic predicament more perplexing. The economy is listless. Growth will be at least 7 per cent this year, an impressive rate compared to other emerging markets, but one helped along by the good fortune of low oil prices. After years of inertia under the previous Congress government, many hoped Modi would push through structural economic reforms, making it easier to build infrastructure or slim down state enterprises. Ordinary voters had more modest hopes: a job, or reliable power supply at home. Yet while Modi has proved masterful at launching national campaigns to push for cleaner streets or basic sanitation, he has delivered little that is tangible to voters in such places as Bihar.

The Bihar campaign also brought greater attention to complaints from liberal-minded Indians who worry that Modi is shedding his secular garb. Concerns about a rising intolerance focused on the lynching in late September of Mohammad Akhlaq, a 50-year-old Muslim farmworker, by a group of angry Hindus who falsely accused him of having killed and eaten a cow. That act was not linked directly to either Modi’s party or the ongoing election. But the BJP’s Bihar campaign included various forms of unsavoury dog-whistle politics, from pledges of cow protection to claims that a Modi defeat would prompt celebrations in Pakistan. The lynching in particular caused such a clamour that Modi eventually spoke out against it, albeit cautiously and belatedly. Arun Shourie, a one-time Modi ally-turned-trenchant critic, was not the only observer to note that India’s leader was unwilling to criticise those in his party who appeared to be inflaming tensions for electoral gain.

If that was indeed a part of the BJP’s strategy, it failed. Instead, Bihar’s verdict has revealed a conundrum at the heart of Modi’s rule – of the self-styled strongman leader unable to leave his stamp on events, be that by pushing through unpopular economic decisions or quieting rowdy elements within his own ranks. Ever since last year’s triumph, it has been taken as given that he will gain a second victory in 2019. This remains the most likely outcome, but it is at least now open to doubt. Meanwhile, those who feared all along that Modi’s promises of economic reform and relative political liberalism might turn out to be illusory can only hope that he returns from London ready to prove them wrong.

James Crabtree is the Mumbai correspondent of the Financial Times

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Leader: Mr Osborne's tipping point

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With the easiest and most popular changes behind him and challenges ahead, will the tax credit revolt mark a tipping point for George Osborne's economic reforms?

The government’s recent defeat on reducing tax credits for the working poor demonstrated an unpalatable truth for George Osborne: the cuts planned for this parliament will be far harder to deliver than those in the last. The easiest and most popular changes, such as capping benefits for out-of-work families, have already been made. By now, austerity was intended to be almost over. But as a result of several years of anaemic growth, the UK is only halfway through the government’s fiscal consolidation. The revolt over cuts to tax credits, which support low- and middle-income workers, could prove a tipping point in the retreat of the state.

On 9 November Mr Osborne announced that new cuts of 30 per cent had been agreed with four departments – Transport; Communities and Local Government; Environment, Food and Rural Affairs; and the Treasury. Councils, including Conservative-led authorities, have warned that further reductions would leave them struggling to provide “vital services, such as caring for the elderly, protecting children, collecting bins, filling potholes and maintaining our parks and green spaces”. The Chancellor has yet to explain how starving local government of funds will be reconciled with his admirable vision of building a “northern powerhouse”.

Austerity is also having a deleterious effect on areas that are notionally protected, such as the NHS. A growing and ageing population, the rise in chronic conditions (such as obesity and diabetes) and the rising expense of medical technology are increasing cost pressures. By reducing social care provision, local government cuts will increase demand on the health service. Three-quarters of all hospital trusts are in deficit and 90 per cent expect to be so by the end of the year. As they struggle to reduce the shortfall, services will inevitably be reduced. Though the government has pledged to provide £8bn more for the NHS by 2020, that would require £22bn of efficiency savings – twice the rate achieved in the last parliament. Since 2010, health spending has increased by just 0.8 per cent a year, the lowest level over a parliament since 1945. Such privation reflects a programme driven by political strategy, rather than economic necessity.

The planned Budget surplus in 2019-20 would coincide with the next general election, which Mr Osborne hopes will be his first as Conservative Party leader. For this reason, the government refuses to take advantage of historically low borrowing costs and allow growth to erode the deficit. That the goal of a surplus is pursued without any significant increase in the taxation of the wealthy leaves the poorest, as in the case of tax credits, bearing ever more of the burden.

The state is forecast to shrink to 36.3 per cent of GDP by 2020 (from 47 per cent in 2009-10), just above the previous postwar lows of 35.8 per cent in 1957-58 and 36 per cent in 1999-2000 – and below the US’s current level of 37 per cent. The public spending increases introduced under New Labour, notably in health and education, will be almost entirely reversed. The government’s contention is that reform enables more to be delivered for less. As the experience of the NHS and local government demonstrates, the danger is of getting less for less. The UK faces a profound shift in the size and scope of the state – one for which many people are ill-prepared.

Ben Pruchnie/Getty Images

Six business deals to look out for between Narendra Modi and David Cameron

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The Indian prime minister is visiting Britain this week. What will come out of it? 

Narendra Modi, the prime minister of India, is in the UK from 12 November for a three-day visit. There is pressure on both India and the UK to sign a package of business deals to mark the occasion. The pair have a long, shared history, but trade between the two countries ranks low. There are many areas, however, where India’s needs complement the UK’s strengths and we can expect deals to be struck. Here are six areas to watch out for:

1. Defence

There are reports that a large contract will be signed for the sale by BAE Systems to India of up to 20 Hawk trainer aircraft. This deal is likely to involve the actual manufacturing of the aircraft in India, which would fit in nicely with the Modi government’s flagship Make in India programme, designed to provide a much-needed boost to India’s manufacturing sector.

2. Energy

The UK and India signed an agreement on nuclear energy cooperation in July 2010 but it has been held up by an array of impediments in both countries. Expect announcements amid a concerted effort to reduce bureaucratic hurdles on both sides.

3. Finance and infrastructure

India has a huge need for new ways to bring investment into the country, especially to feed its capital-hungry infrastructure sector. Here, the City of London is expected to be of aid by helping market offshore Indian-rupee bonds, which would in turn help finance railway expansion and housing in India.

Vodafone, one of the UK’s largest companies, has a significant presence in India. While Vodafone may announce further investments during Modi’s visit, it is likely that it will join hands with other UK companies in raising concerns with the Indian PM about various tax disputes they have been embroiled in with successive Indian governments.

4. Skills

Skills is a huge area of need in India. Every month for the next decade the country will add one million young people to its workforce. If these young people can be suitably trained and employed they will fuel dramatic growth that could see India become the world’s third largest economy by 2030. The UK has significant capabilities in the areas of training plumbers, electricians, carpenters, retail store personnel, and those who work in hospitality and tourism. Importantly, the UK also has many world-leading providers of English language training and assessment.

5. High technology

An important area where India and the UK share significant complementary strengths is technology – in particular in life sciences, software and, increasingly, hardware. India has vibrant pharmaceutical companies, many of which are making a concerted effort to move into drug discovery and development. The UK on the other hand is home to giants such as GSK and AstraZeneca that have an interest in India as a market, a location to conduct clinical trials, and a place to outsource the processing of clinical trials data. Both countries also have a lively biotech sector where further collaboration can be explored.

6. Frugal innovation

India has developed a global reputation for frugal innovation– the ability to develop highly affordable solutions in a whole range of areas from healthcare to energy, automotive to education, computing and software. The UK, for its part, especially in the triangle of London, Cambridge and Oxford, is increasingly a global hub for lean start-ups in fintech (finance-related technology), edutech (education-related technology) and medical diagnostics. Modi’s visit might well highlight the potential for collaboration between these clusters of frugal entrepreneurship in the UK and India’s own expertise in these areas. Indeed, some of India’s frugal innovation, in healthcare for instance, could even help bail out an NHS that is increasingly financially constrained.

The visit of the leader of India, with its huge and rapidly-growing economy, to the UK is bound to bring exciting announcements. Anything of the scale of the billion pound nuclear agreement the UK did with China recently, though, is unlikely. Instead, a number of smaller deals seems a stronger possibility. Indeed, Philip Hammond, the UK’s foreign secretary, has said: “As the Indian economy has a very large and important private sector, many of the deals will be commercial and private sector deals rather than government to government.”

The Conversation

Jaideep Prabhu is a Director at the Centre for India & Global Business at the University of Cambridge.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

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The Kenneth Branagh Theatre Company is, in the best sense, mostly about Kenneth Branagh

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It takes a lot to balance The Winter's Tale with Rattigan's Harlequinade, but KB manages it.

The programmes for The Winter’s Tale, the show that begins the year-long incumbency of the Kenneth Branagh Theatre Company at the Garrick, list the actors in alphabetical order, no one takes a solo bow at curtain call and, in interviews, the main man has talked up the power of ensemble. It’s nice democratic rhetoric but brisk ticket sales are driven by the presence of Branagh and the fellow stars (first, Judi Dench) he can attract.

Co-directed by Branagh and Rob Ashford – who previously created a memorable muddy, bloody Macbeth at the Manchester International Festival – this staging of Shakespeare’s lateish comi-tragedy about destructive jealousy and its eventual supernatural redemption also serves as the KBTC’s Christmas show, with the court of King Leontes first seen as a Yuletide family reunion in the early 20th century, with baubled trees, spangly gift boxes and a flickering home movie projected on a sheet.

While that celebration marks a man’s acceptance that his wife is bearing the child of God, Leontes has his mind boggled by the simpler proposition that his faithful wife has been impregnated by him. Branagh delivers the speeches in which Leontes’s psychosis abruptly takes hold with a fierce clarity of both language and psychology. This Leontes is certainly gynophobic, spitting out Shakespeare’s images of vaginal arousal, including “sluiced” and “slippery”, as if he doesn’t want his tongue anywhere near them. He is also possibly in denial about his sexuality, honouring Camillo with a full kiss on the mouth.

These suggestions of the character’s difficulties with women also inform the scenes between Leontes and Dench’s Paulina: his quivering terror of her judgement, which she delivers in tones of sorrowful wisdom, makes unusual sense of a courtier having such power over a king.

If Leontes is frightened of sex, his abandoned daughter, Perdita, is exuberantly up for it in Jessie Buckley’s vibrant portrayal. The usually ghastly Act IV pastoral interlude is here made bearable by presentation as an orgiastic bacchanal and the shrewd decision to allow Dench, in the prologue usually attributed to the character of Time, to deliver another masterclass in verse-speaking.

Since becoming famous young as Henry V, Branagh has faced media teasing as an Olivier-wannabe, which won’t be stifled by his decision to conclude this season with The Entertainer, in a role written for Olivier. In The Winter’s Tale Branagh’s most obvious nod to him is non-verbal. Olivier, as Oedipus in 1946, became famous for a howl of pain which he created after reading in a magazine of the noise made by ermine in the Arctic when their tongues become stuck to the ice. Whether or not Branagh has been trawling through David Attenborough box sets for sonic models, he gives two extraordinarily haunting noises to his Leontes: a ragged wail on learning of Hermione’s death and a crescendoing series of squeaks at the vision of her resurrection.

Jokier ghosts from the theatre of old hover over Harlequinade, which will alternate in repertory with The Winter’s Tale in the first part of the season. This Terence Rattigan squib – about a theatre troupe putting on Romeo and Juliet in Brackley – was written in 1948 to fatten The Browning Version into a full-length evening. However, its rather clunky jokes about what were not at the time called luvvies proved so tiresome that even the Rattigan estate recently commissioned David Hare to write an alternative Browning companion piece, South Downs.

With perky perversity, Branagh and Ashford have picked up the abandoned half and created a new pairing with the stage premiere of All On Her Own, a 1968 Rattigan monologue for a heavy-drinking widow whose even more drunken late husband died in uncertain circumstances.

Zoë Wanamaker achieves the acting oxymoron of being precisely slurred in that part and also as a more comic dipsomaniac in Harlequinade, where Branagh cheerfully sends up himself and Olivier as Arthur Gosport, an actor-director still playing Romeo while old enough for Prospero.

It would have been a high risk for some theatrical knights to have played a ham actor and Leontes in repertory, but Sir Ken is on good enough form to get away with it. The KBTC really is, in the best sense, mainly about KB.

JOHAN PERSSON

For all I didn't particularly like London Spy, it has a certain authenticity

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Right now, a lot of BBC drama feels like it was written by numbers. London Spy is different. ITV's Downton, sadly not.

A man heads to a party. As he arrives, Donna Summer is playing; by the time he leaves, he can hear dustbin vans. Wired and sweaty, he crouches on a pavement by the Thames and makes a call. Are any of his mates still up? It seems not, which leaves him with a problem. Where to take his twitches, his chemical wakefulness? But then, over the bridge comes a runner. The two men exchange a few words and the athlete, sensing the other’s physical and mental depletion, offers our wrecked party boy his energy drink. The grey of his tracksuit is a perfect match for the early-morning London sky.

This is how it begins: the relationship between Danny (Ben Whishaw) and Alex (Edward Holcroft), the odd couple. Danny is restless, in a rut. He lives in a horrible shared flat and has a dead-end job in a warehouse. His only true friend is Scottie (Jim Broadbent), a slightly sinister older man whose feelings for him are proprietorial, his kindness not without motive. Alex is – or so he says – an orphaned and closeted investment banker with a memory for numbers and a full set of Ordnance Survey maps in the boot of his car. Soon these two loners are in bed together and not too long after that – about eight months later – they’re in a kabuki bar with Scottie, hoping for his blessing.

As I watched London Spy (Mondays, 9pm, BBC2), which was written by the novelist Tom Rob Smith (Child 44, The Farm), irritation bubbled inside me. Something about Whishaw’s performance, so mannered and pathetic, set my teeth on edge, and when Broadbent appeared all I could think was: “Does good old Jim have to be in every British series and every British film from now until the end of days?”

At the same time, something else happened. Various details snagged my attention: that Danny does not have a smartphone; that all the apples in Alex’s fruit bowl were so uniformly green; the feeling, later on, that the storyline must have been inspired by the mysterious death of Gareth Williams, the GCHQ employee whose body was found at an SIS safe house in Pimlico, Westminster, in 2010.

Also, the hypnotically minimalist dialogue. “At school, I was old. At university, I was young,” Alex said, trying to explain his self-imposed human quarantine; how, until Danny, he had been a virgin.

Right now, a lot of BBC drama feels like it was written by numbers: the new police series Cuffs, for instance, and the plodding River. But this is different, for all that I can’t say I particularly liked it. Creepy, bleak and daringly slow for something that purports to be a thriller, it has a certain authenticity. It is not trying to be anything else, even if the shade of Ian Fleming did briefly hover above the kabuki bar. Its fourth or fifth most important character is London, which always works for me. If it can deliver on plot, too, it might just be a keeper.

And now . . . “Bertie Pelham is the new Marquess of Hexham! Goody gumdrops, what a turn-up!” This is not a Private Eye spoof. It comes directly from the last ever episode of Downton Abbey (9 November, 9pm, ITV) – though there will be a Christmas special in which, I predict, Lady Edith will tipsily snog the aforementioned Bertie over a large vase of Mrs Patmore’s eggnog.

Were you fooled? I expect not. Julian Fellowes has been dialling in his execrable plots and ineffably boring dialogue – “Well, his lordship has always loved his dogs!” – for years now. Anyone who has watched Downton for even five minutes knows what a fiesta of laziness and buffoonery it has become. All the same, its not-very-exciting climax, in which Lady Mary married her stupid racing driver – yes, the one with no money – came with a knowing cheek, a properly funny dose of camp, almost as if Fellowes were finally owning up.

“What was it about Tangiers that your cousin liked so much?” asked Isobel Crawley, as the family struggled to digest the news that the old Marquess of Hexham had died, without ever having married, in Morocco. The new marquess spoke passionately of the sun setting over the beach. But we all know what his cousin was really up to, don’t we? The naughty boy. 

The cruel, screwball, vivacious world of Tangerine

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Tangerine has so much vitality and pizzazz, the fact it was made on an iPhone is almost besides the point. Plus: Steve Jobs.

Any self-respecting tour of Los Angeles film locations now has a new stop to add to favourites such as the Griffith Observatory (Rebel Without a Cause) and the LA River culvert (Grease, Terminator 2): Donut Time, a cramped and insalubrious neon-lit corner-café at the intersection of Santa Monica and Highland Avenue. It’s the hub of Tangerine (15, dir. Sean Baker), a fizzy festive story that is in no danger of being mistaken for It’s a Wonderful Life. Though what I wouldn’t give to have heard Jimmy Stewart deliver its opening line: “Merry Christmas Eve, bitch!”

The movie, shot for scarcely more than the cost of a glazed dozen, begins with two transgender sex workers shooting the breeze. The twitchy, sassy Sin-Dee (Kitana Kiki Rodriguez) is determined to find the woman whom her boyfriend, who happens also to be her pimp, has been sleeping with while she was in prison. Her cooler, calmer best friend, Alexandra (Mya Taylor), has agreed to accompany her on the proviso that there will be no drama. Fat chance.

Within minutes, Sin-Dee is staggering across streets to accost bemused strangers in the hunt for her prey, while the camera struggles to keep up. In between these forays the girls have to earn a living, and the film’s easygoing approach to their work doesn’t preclude shocks. There’s a spin on that standard scene in which a man recoils in disgust at finding that the woman he has chosen is really a man. (Here, the woman is a woman.) We get a glimpse of LA hypocrisy when a motel clerk directs Sin-Dee past a sign warning that prostitutes will be refused service and on to the “party room” – that is, the one set aside for six or seven transactions at once. It’s like the express checkout, only with more than the usual quantity of unexpected items in the bagging area.

The world of Tangerine can be cruel but the film’s writer-director, Sean Baker, has his antennae twitching for kindness. Well, it is Christmas, as people keep reminding one another incongruously in the blazing sun. Tenderness comes in many forms: in Alexandra buying her favourite customer, Razmik (Karren Karagulian), a $5 air freshener to mask the stench of vomit in his cab; or in Sin-Dee cheering on Alexandra’s debut as a singer at a local bar. (Reflected light from a disco ball supplies the nearest thing to falling snow.) The story’s energy comes from vivacious characters and screwball plotting. When Razmik’s mother-in-law burst on to the scene, it suddenly hit me: this is Pedro Almodóvar on a shoestring. There is so much vitality and pizzazz, it seems almost by the by to point out that the whole film was shot on an iPhone.

In this sense, we have Steve Jobs to thank, in part, for the existence of Tangerine. So, it is ironic that the film bearing his name feels so antiquated in its methods and dramatic priorities. Steve Jobs (15, dir. Danny Boyle) is divided into three extended, jittery scenes, each one taking place just before the launch of a new product by Jobs (Michael Fassbender). We’re not supposed to buy the conceit that every significant confrontation in his life occurred backstage at these events: it’s a trick by the screenwriter, Aaron Sorkin, to compress decades of history into a handful of flashpoints. But there is something dogged and mechanical about watching the same face-offs, in triplicate – with the Apple CEO, John Sculley (played by Jeff Daniels), with the company’s slighted co-founder Steve Wozniak (Seth Rogen) and with the daughter Jobs initially refuses to accept as his.

There is nothing for Danny Boyle to do except bring his customary visual flash-bang-wallop direction to the material. His approach here is to shoot everything as though it’s taking place inside a giant computer. But snazzy production design can’t disguise the obviousness of the questions posed. (Do geniuses have a responsibility to be good people? What is the legacy of our time on Earth? Are our battles set from the second we are born?) Sorkin smothers any intrigue or ambiguity and signposts every irony. What he has written is a set of instructions, not a script. 

Viva el bogeyman: you'll miss Rob Titchener when he's gone

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The villian of The Archers is so hated he even makes the announcer sound tense. But what will happen when leaves. . .?

Is it just me, or is even the continuity announcer beginning to sound tense at the prospect of any episode of The Archers (Sundays to Fridays, 7pm, Radio 4) that involves Rob Titchener – controlling husband to the pregnant Helen and overweening stepfather to the innocently adoring Henry, lisping proof of Theseus’s line in A Midsummer Night’s Dream, “To you your father should be as a god”? Rob is so reviled after a storyline involving (possibly: it was all mega smoke and mirrors) drugging Helen and sexually assaulting her that listeners have reportedly started boycotting the show and have been firing increasingly castigating messages at the rattled actor who plays the character, Timothy Watson. (“Rob is a gift of a part,” he said recently, darting nervous looks.) Ah, the relief when an episode involves nothing more troubling than Ruth’s sweater shrinking in the wash! A few days ago the introduction, “And now . . . Rob’s been enjoying the autumn countryside in The Archers,” was delivered so tightly as virtually to hiss: “A day out in a sadistic nunnery is going to be more fun than this.”

The scale of the loathing! On the show’s Twitter page, the complaints range from needing emergency dental treatment, so acute is the Rob-induced gurning, to flat-out calls for his murder. “Smack him in the head, dump him in the barley . . .” And this from my own mother in full oracle mode: “The baby will be a girl and he will abort it. He will kidnap Henry or kill him on a hunt or hold him as a tool. He will make off with any money. I’ve stopped for a few days. We need revenge.”

But all this is nought. Consider for a moment the following, unspeakable prospect: once Rob is discovered, and doubtless violently despatched, having to listen to HELEN. Hadn’t thought it through properly now, had you? Helen – previously the most rank­ling, narcissistic character in all Ambridge – given full licence to drag around the terrible freight of her wrongedness, a poor convalescent creature, fit only for Ian’s chicken broth and Lynda Snell’s show tunes. The long silences, the sense of nervous adjustments being made around her, the village-wide tidyings and straightenings. Now this, I truly dread. Viva Rob!

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Hannah Gavron: a woman ahead of her time

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“I’d been brought up with the character,” the writer Jeremy Gavron says of his mother Hannah. “Having lived so long with fairy tales and evasions, what I wanted was the facts.”

On 14 December 1965, Hannah Gavron, a 29-year-old sociologist with two young sons, a forthcoming book and a lectureship at a prestigious art college, sealed herself into a neighbour’s kitchen and turned on the gas oven. Her death paralleled an incident that took place two years earlier, when Sylvia Plath – another accomplished young woman – committed suicide less than 150 yards away, aged 30, on Fitzroy Road in Primrose Hill, north London.

I meet Jeremy Gavron, an author and the younger of Hannah’s two sons, on a bitter but bright day at a café close to the house where his mother died almost 50 years ago. For the past six years, Gavron has been seeking out people who knew Hannah: school friends, colleagues, lovers, most of whom are now in their seventies. The stories they told have been collected in a new book, A Woman on the Edge of Time, and these do not always make for comfortable reading.

“It’s funny, writing the book now that I’m old enough to be Hannah’s father,” says Gavron, who is 53. “Sometimes I was reacting like a son but other times I was reacting like a dad.”

Born in Palestine in 1936, Hannah Gavron was a magnetic and precocious child – but then she ought to have been. Her father was the distinguished Zionist writer T R Fyvel, a confidant to George Orwell (who would read to Hannah as a child). She skipped ahead a year at school and won awards for showjumping and poetry before enrolling, aged 16, at Rada, where family lore held that she acted in Shakespeare plays opposite Albert Finney and Peter O’Toole – though this turned out to be false.

“I’d been brought up with the character,” says Gavron, who spent the earlier part of his career working as a journalist in Africa. “Having lived so long with fairy tales and evasions, what I wanted was the facts.”

Hannah was also said to have had an affair with her boarding school’s headmaster. Her romantic entanglements are catalogued in letters to her friend Tash, spread throughout the new book, though it is never clear to what degree they were actualised.

“So few children know this much about their parents,” I say. “Especially their love lives,” Gavron adds.

After quitting Rada to marry Jeremy’s father, Robert – a successful publishing entrepreneur and Labour peer who died this year – Hannah studied at Bedford College, part of the University of London, for the next eight years. Her doctoral thesis concerned “sad, lonely mothers of the working and middle class” – a subject that was resisted by the heads of her department, all of them male, both for its subject matter and “qualitative” approach. But it was published in book form as The Captive Wife, to rave reviews, a few months after her death.

“It’s true about Hannah what Frieda said about D H Lawrence,” a childhood friend of Hannah’s told Gavron. “She lived every moment to the fullest possible extent.” Hannah had married Robert when she was 18 and he was 24. “We were too young,” Robert later reflected. Perhaps as a result of this – not to mention the pressures of work and parenthood – Hannah began an affair with a colleague, a gay man she convinced herself could be a permanent prospect. It was just the kind of youthful folly she had neglected earlier by being so driven.

“I think if she’d survived that day, she would’ve lived,” Gavron says. “She thought her book was no good but the world would’ve opened up for her. She’d have had the opportunity to be like Joan Bakewell, or ultimately Germaine Greer; to speak for womanhood. That’s where the title of my book comes from. She was just a little ahead of her time.” 

COURTESY OF JEREMY GAVRON

International orphans: why is Britain turning away North Korean asylum seekers?

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North Korean refugees are being denied British asylum, despite having risked their lives to escape one of the world's most feared totalitarian dictatorships.

As time goes by, Britain’s attitude towards North Korea becomes increasingly fickle. On the one hand, we’ve restored diplomatic relations with North Korea since 2000, but on the other hand, we’ve supported every single UN resolution on their human rights abuses since.

More recently, this hypocrisy has become even clearer. Increasing numbers of North Korean refugees are being denied British asylum, despite having risked their lives to escape one of the world's most feared totalitarian dictatorships. To put this into context, in 2014, 17 of the 23 North Korea asylum cases registered in Britain were rejected, whereas in 2012 virtually all applications were accepted. The fact that such inconsequential numbers of refugees are being turned away is symbolic of the contradictory nature of our asylum policy.

Nevertheless, this hasn’t always been the case. Up until 2013, Britain welcomed most North Korean refugees with open arms. In fact, to date, Britain has accepted the largest number of North Korean refugees in the world apart from South Korea. Ji-hyun Park is one of the 1,000 North Koreans currently living in Britain.

Park first left North Korea during the famine, which killed 4m people in the late 1990s. “My uncle lived alone in a rural area and because of the shortage of food he starved. We could not even afford to buy a coffin,” she tells me.

In the end, Park decided to escape to China from her hometown Chongjin by the border. “I was approached by a man who promised me an honest and well-paid job in China and a safe way out for my brother,” she explains. “Once in China, however, I was brought to a trafficking establishment, sold to a Chinese man, and separated from my brother. I still do not know if he survives. From 1998-2004, I spent six isolating years in northeast China.”

Nevertheless, this changed when Park was arrested and repatriated back to North Korea. “I was imprisoned, tortured, and re-educated for six months, after which I could no longer work because of severe malnutrition,” she explains. After spending a year in one of North Korea’s most gruesome detention camps, Park again escaped to China and then Mongolia, eventually arriving in the UK in 2008.

Park now lives in Manchester with her husband, a fellow North Korean defector whom she met in China, and their three children. “I respectfully ask that more North Korean refugees are accepted to Europe and that they have the opportunity to live the life that I was allowed to live,” she reflects.

Ji-hyun Park

Sadly, this is not the case. Despite having endured the daily threat of the gulag, public execution and starvation, North Koreans are being denied British asylum. Despite having undergone gruelling, treacherous, journeys to Britain, we are turning them away. This is all the more shocking when you consider the tiny number of North Korean defectors applying for refugee status each year.

Why is Britain rejecting these applications for asylum? It all boils down to the fact that the UK now considers North Koreans as South Korean citizens, thus excluding them from refugee status. But this distinction lacks legal clarity or transparency. Instead, the issue remains a grey area clouded by confusion from all parties.

As Andrew Wolman, a specialist law professor from Seoul explains: “There has been some uncertainty over whether all North Korean escapees are in practice allowed to come to South Korea. If not, then their de jure South Korean nationality may not be ‘effective’ and they should arguably be considered refugees anyway under international law.”

Moreover, forcing North Koreans who have never stepped foot on South Korean soil and have no desire to become South Korean citizens to do so, is morally questionable. Life is far from rosy for North Koreans in South Korea. After a three-month interrogation process upon arrival, they are treated as second-class citizens and subject to social prejudice, unemployment, debt and mental health problems.

As Park comments: “It is hard for them to get past the interview stage in their job applications once it is known that they are from the North. Children become outcasts at school because they are from the North.”

Nevertheless, the British government continues to deny North Korean defectors citizenship. As Michael Glendinning, the co-director of the European Alliance for Human Rights in North Korea, tells me: “The position of the Home Office is every application will be considered on its individual merits but the reality is it’s pretty much a blank rejection.”

Glendinning has first-hand experience of how difficult this process can be. “I’m helping a North Korean woman who’s had her application rejected. She’s living on a friend’s couch, she doesn’t have any money to eat, all her benefits have been cut, she doesn’t get housing and she’s not allowed to work legally. She’s pretty screwed really,” he adds.

To put it simply, when North Koreans are denied British asylum, they become international orphans, spurned by the nations of the world. Displaced and left without a home, it becomes impossible to recover from the fear and trauma of a brutal dictatorship. Even though defectors offer us essential insight into the workings of the most closed, secretive and isolated regime in the world, we continue to turn them away.

While we might be publicly critical of North Korea’s human rights abuses, when the limelight leaves the world stage, we deny defectors a modicum of dignity. Preoccupied with the absurdity of Kim Jong-Un’s state-sanctioned bowl cuts and fist-pumping, flag-waving rallies, it becomes all too easy to forget that the victims of this regime are living on our doorsteps.

Despite the uniquely inhumane abuses of the North Korean government and the inconsequential number of North Korean defectors applying for refugee status, the invisible population of North Korean defectors continues to pass us by.

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All hail Steve Jobs - the first film that's really about tech

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Some parts are sensationalised - but at last, here's a film that can break down barriers between techies and the uninitiated. 

I have two contradictory interests to declare in the movie Steve Jobs. The first is that the cinematographer is married to my sister.

The second is that I have boycotted Apple for nearly twenty years now.    

My first job after graduating as an Electrical Engineer from Imperial was with Nortel, a Canadian telecoms equipment manufacturer. In order to monitor call routing I was asked to design a “PC Interface card”. The very name highlights a longstanding, ongoing, totemic divide, the tech equivalent of Europe in the Conservative Party, which is brilliantly brought to life in the film.

There could never be an Apple interface card because its architecture and interfaces are proprietary. Indeed as the film shows, the Macintosh was designed so it could not be opened with a screwdriver.

Apple wants to curate your experience end-to-end, put the technology behind an unbreachable wall and control your   interface with it. And that works – for some people. Android wants to enable diversity and collaboration as its slogan “Be Together, Not the Same” tries to celebrate, and that works – for some. Microsoft wants to standardise your world with apps they make and you pay for, and that works – for some.

Google will follow you from device to device as its “One Account All of Google” tag trumpets – and that works, for some people, even if it chills the blood in my veins.

We have reached a point in the tech wars where there is genuine choice, even if not always the information to make it. We have got here after half a century of battles  -  open versus closed architectures, standardised versus proprietary interfaces, interoperable versus stand-alone applications and now EU platform regulation. These battles have marked the rise and fall of empires from IBM to Amazon to Facebook. But unlike historical empires there have been no wandering minstrels to laud their achievements and foresee their downfall. As a consequence they are not part of our culture in the way Homer brought us the Trojan War or Shakespeare the War of the Roses.

I am not comparing Danny Boyle to either Shakespeare or Homer but for me Steve Jobs is the first film about tech. Star Wars is the Odyssey with space travel, it is not about tech. Even the Social Network’s representation of technology was no more than a couple of equations on a whiteboard, unintelligible code scrolling by on a screen and that lazy classic – lots of multi-coloured wires.

Steve Jobs both shows and talks about technology from how to get to the insides of a Macintosh to my personal favourite, the relatives merits of the 68000 family of micro-processors. Whilst Game of Thrones is known for using sexposition – having characters give background to the plot whilst taking part in a sexual act to keep the viewer engaged, Steve Jobs introduces e-moting – characters repeat technical facts whilst digesting  emotional challenging experiences.

I know the film has been criticised for being inaccurate and/or exaggerated, and having been a bit player in some of these battles, I know it is. But that is a necessary part of telling stories that people find believable.

As shadow minister for culture and the digital economy one of my big concerns – after the slashing cuts to culture, the growing digital divide,  lack of decent digital infrastructure and departmental data chaos – is the divide between culture and technology highlighted by CP Snow over fifty years ago. At the time the example he gave was how few “cultured” people could recite Newton’s Second Law of Thermodynamics. Today I could equally ask how many could put a name to the beating heart of their iPhone?[1].

The reason therefore that I am enthusiastic about Steve Jobs the film is it demonstrates, for me at least, that the creative industries can tell a tech story for non-techies, just as they make Westerns for non-cowboys and murder mysteries for non murderers. Luvvies, if you like can do tech – integrating into our culture. And if that happens then my constituents are more likely to be interested in tech, more likely to seek out the tech skills which lead to well paid, satisfying jobs.

But that leaves the question of whether techies can do luvv – not the air-kissing stereotypes but the communicating and engagement with the rest of the world. Can the tech community for example reflect our social interface, tech with a humane face as well a brilliant HCI (Human Computer Interface)? Can tech reach out and engage with people, ensure that tech empowers rather than devours people?

Digital technology can change the power relationships between Government and citizen, company and consumer, employer and employee. We need a truly digital culture that welcomes and inspires techies and non-techies alike.

 

[1]Answer - a microprocessor, currently made by TMSC although in keeping with their closed platform philosophy Apple prefer not to say

Michael Fassbender as Steve Jobs.

Space junk will crash back to Earth on Friday the 13th, but it’s no bad omen

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Scientists are excited – the opportunity to study its trajectory could help improve current methods.

According to the European Space Agency, something is going to fall to Earth on Friday, 13 November. A mysterious piece of space debris named WT1190F is predicted to re-enter the Earth’s atmosphere at around 06:20 GMT in the skies above the Indian Ocean. While it’s expected to burn up in the atmosphere about 100km off the south coast of Sri Lanka, it is not impossible that smaller fragments could crash onto the surface of the earth.

The object must be the remains from a previous space mission, most likely a spent rocket from one of the recent robotic moon missions or even a relic from the Apollo era. But while it may seem like a bad omen, scientists are excited. It is notoriously difficult to predict exactly where debris that fall to the Earth will hit, so the opportunity to study the trajectory of WT1190F could help improve current methods.

A display of fireballs

The object was first spotted by the Catalina Sky Survey in 2013, swinging within 250,000km of the Earth before plunging back out into space to a distance of around half a million kilometres, twice as far away as the moon. But its elliptical orbit is unstable and the altitude of the object’s closest approach to the Earth has been falling. On Friday, this will cause it to dip into the atmosphere while moving at a speed of several kilometres per second. When this happens, atmospheric drag will slow it down and cause it to fall from orbit while the frictional effect of the air rushing past will pummel, heat and vaporise the object.

Object WT1190F is the fast-moving white spot in the middle. Image: B. Bolin, R. Jedicke, M. Micheli.

According to astronomers who have estimated its size and density, the object is about 1-2 metres in diameter and hollow. Luckily that means it is too small and fragile to be likely to make it to the surface. As it disintegrates, the smaller fragments will rapidly burn up creating a brilliant display of fireballs that may be visible streaking across the midday sky to the south of Sri Lanka. Only very small fragments, if anything, will splashdown in the Indian Ocean. There simply isn’t enough mass involved for this to be a cause for too much concern.

We know this because it is by no means the first human-made object to fall from orbit, nor is it the largest. When the 135-tonne Russian Mir space station came to end of its life in 2001, most of the massive station vaporised during re-entry, some fragments fell harmlessly into the South Pacific Ocean.

The difficulty in predicting a crash site

However, it is not always easy to predict. When it became clear that NASA’s 75-tonne Skylab space station was going to re-enter the Earth’s atmosphere in July 1979, NASA estimated that the chances of a human being hit somewhere on the planet was one in 152.

Ultimately, instead of re-entering over the ocean south-east of South Africa while speeding eastwards, Skylab burned up slightly later than expected and fragments fell to Earth south-east of Perth, in Western Australia. While nobody was injured, Skylab’s demise highlighted uncertainties in the re-entry estimates of the day. Skylab turned out to be sturdier than expected, meaning the drag of the tumbling space station had been miscalculated.

Skylab also highlighted the important effect that mother nature has on such orbits. It had originally been thought that the space station, launched in May 1973, would remain in orbit for around nine years. But greater than expected solar activity in the 1970s resulted in increased heating and expansion of the Earth’s upper atmosphere. The resulting extra drag on the space station slowed it and caused its orbit to descend more quickly than predicted.

Nowadays, the influence of solar activity of the near-Earth space environment is dubbed “space weather” and its impact on low-Earth orbiting objects is the focus of considerable research. As well as studying how it can increase the atmospheric drag on satellites and manned spacecraft, there is considerable interest in how it can alter the trajectory of space debris – a catch-all description that includes everything from rocket boosters and long-dead satellites to nuts and bolts. Surveys using ground-based radar have revealed more than 21,000 objects larger than 10cm in Earth orbit. Meanwhile, the estimated number of particles between 1cm and 10cm in diameter is about 500,000, while the number of particles smaller than 1cm runs into many millions.

Being able to predict how the orbits of these objects will evolve is important to avoid future high-speed collisions between space debris and orbiting satellites or manned spacecraft. It is also vital to national defence agencies, who need to be able to discriminate between incoming space debris and inter-continental ballistic missiles.

But having filled the space surrounding our planet with an orbiting cloud of junk, best practice is now to design an end-of-life “exit strategy” into modern satellites. Typically this involves a planned and controlled de-orbit, usually resulting in the complete destruction of the satellite in the upper atmosphere, or a planned manoeuvre into a stable graveyard orbit, tucked safely out of harm’s ways beyond geostationary orbit.

So should we be worried about WT1190F? No. Friday the 13th is going to be a bad day for that particular piece of space junk, but for researchers it’s a piece of good fortune. Simulations and predictions have come a long way since Skylab’s day and if the measurements made so far are correct, this is a relatively lightweight piece of debris and is very likely to burn up in a predictable fashion over in a well-defined area. Nevertheless, scientists will be monitoring WT1190F’s predicted re-entry zone carefully to gather data in an effort to improve our understanding of the physics of re-entry even further.

The Conversation

Jim Wild is a Professor of Space Physics at Lancaster University

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

NASA

The teen magazines that caught the Sixties as they happened

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All the confusion, power and excitement of the Sixties could be seen unfolding in its teenage pop press.

In November 1966, Rave magazine put a colour picture of the Small Faces singer Steve Marriott on the cover. Sitting on a raised concrete flower bed, he is sporting a perfect centre parting, a three-colour Lord John polo shirt, tightly pressed mohair straight legs and white leather shoes. Yes, this exemplar of up-to-the-minute mod style is looking at the camera with a gaze that is half amused, half quizzical – as his thumb reaches up into his mouth in a child-like gesture of uncertainty.

The year 1966 had been a frenetic time for the Small Faces, giving them three top-ten hits, including the September number one “All Or Nothing”, and a number three album that stayed in the charts for half the year. At the beginning of November, they were preparing the release of their new single, “My Mind’s Eye”: a reflective, pretty song about an unspecified but fundamental revelation that ended with a minute of so of the group harmonising around a melody taken from the old Christmas carol “Angels We Have Heard on High”.

Rave’s staff reporter Dawn James asked what made the “pale”-faced Marriott tick. “I believe we came from the earth and we go back to it when we die,” he replied; “the earth gives you and the earth takes back, and you become the bark of a tree, or a cluster of grass. That accounts for the desire of people to get close to the earth. Haven’t you ever felt such emotion from the scent of a flower that you wanted to crush it in your hand?”

Nothing could have been more different from the hard-headed East Ender who, earlier in the year, had been bellowing out “Picked her up on a Friday night” on “Sha-La-La-La-Lee”. James found the 19-year-old agonising about the big questions: “It takes a lot of thinking about, I don’t know enough about it yet. If anything really worries me, it’s this business of where we came from, where we go to and why. I could go potty thinking about it. I think a lot. Thinking is a gas.”

The revelation that lay behind all this was, of course, LSD. The Small Faces had taken the drug in May that year and, soon afterwards, they announced themselves to the press as totally changed beings. As the group’s Ronnie Lane told the NME, “there are other things I’m finding out about –they’re as old as time”. LSD became illegal in Britain and America during 1966: to talk openly about the drug was unwise, but the codes were there for those in the know (“my mind’s eye”, indeed).

LSD and the counterculture would shortly change the mid-Sixties youth press as pop became rock. But the remarkable thing about 1966 was how many of the year’s currents and preoccupations were openly discussed in the pages of Disc and Music Echo, Record Mirror, Fabulous 208, Rave and the like. It was a rapid-fire, obsessive arena that was rich in content, all building up to a very vigorous youth media that was broadcasting the period’s rapid changes in newsprint, every week.

This was the year when an experimental and forward-looking mass youth culture – awash with money and confidence after the unprecedented success of the Beatles – came up against the realpolitik of economics and political reaction. It was a time of voices clamouring for liberation. In the US, it was the year of fast developments in the civil rights movement, the nascent women’s movement (propelled by the formation of the National Organisation for Women in the US) and the still underground gay (or, as it was then called, homophile) movement. It was a year when, in the UK, legislation to liberalise the restrictive laws concerning abortion and homosexuality was discussed in parliament and the House of Lords.

In popular culture, it was a period of fertile communication between black and white music: Otis Redding covered the Rolling Stones, while Holland-Dozier-Holland listened to Bob Dylan and came up with “Reach Out I’ll Be There”, a force of nature and the year’s most unstoppable record. The Beatles were so enamoured by the music coming out of the Stax studio that they seriously thought about recording their next album in Memphis – an idea scotched at the last minute because of concerns about money and security.

There was a new sense of freedom in pop. Money helped, but the dissolving impact of marijuana and LSD created new countercultures and fostered alternative ways of thinking. There was a fresh generational assertion, as more and more young people saw that they didn’t have to live like their parents, that they could dream of a different world. In the youthtopias of Swinging London, Haight-Ashbury and the Sunset Strip, they made these ideas manifest in a theatre of peacock provocation.

While many adults were at once bewildered and disturbed by these manifestations, the pop press in America and Britain got on with the business of reporting events. It was a time of enormous ambition and serious-minded engagement: music was no longer commenting on life, but had become indivisible from life. It had become not just the focus of youth consumerism but a way of seeing, the prism through which the world was interpreted – and the press reflected that change.

America was less well served. In such a big country, television programmes such as Hullabaloo and Shindig! were randomly syndicated and were subject to the whims of the networks. The only regular nationwide programme with pop content was The Ed Sullivan Show. There were pop magazines such as Teen Beat, Tiger Beat and 16: most of these were monthlies with long deadlines, a definite handicap by 1966, when things were moving very quickly.

There was one important weekly, however, based in Los Angeles: the KRLA Beat. It frequently featured letters pages and “Teen Panels” that expressed dissident opinions. When the magazine heavily criticised the Beatles’ infamous “butcher cover” for Yesterday and Today, one reader wrote back: “Why is the sight of a few decapitated Barbie dolls and freshly butchered sides of beef more sickening than the lurid daily photographs of the effectiveness of our bombing and napalming in Vietnam?”

With its centralised media, Britain had two national TV shows – Top of the Pops and Ready Steady Go!, the times of which varied around the regions. Apart from
the music weeklies – which also included Melody Maker and the New Musical Express– there were weekly women’s magazines such as Mirabelle, Boyfriend and Jackie, which had pop content. Add in monthlies such as Honey and Rave, and you have a market of considerable complexity and sophistication.

These magazines collectively sold over a million copies every week. They both reflected and shaped the messages broadcast by pop musicians to teens throughout the United Kingdom: it didn’t all happen just in London. Most of the writers were young – some of them even in their teens – and were, or had recently been part of the culture that they reported on. The style was informative and breezy, with a lack of self-consciousness that is both refreshing and useful to historical researchers.

The best British writers, such as Dawn James at Rave, Penny Valentine at Disc and Music Echo, and Norman Jopling and Tony Hall at Record Mirror, captured the changes as they were happening – either because they were expert young fans, close enough to their readers to verbalise what they might have thought – or because, like Hall, they were so tuned in to what was going on that they could predict trends, such as the popularity of soul music or west coast rock, before they happened.

In 1966, the pop weeklies wrote about topics as diverse as Peter Watkins’s banned TV film The War Game, drugs, the Vietnam War and the song “The Ballad of the Green Berets” (“terrible . . . crap”, commented the Beatles), Swinging London true or false, the full onset of soul and Motown into the country’s charts and the black experience from which that music came. As Lee Dorsey told Record Mirror, ‘‘Soul is expressing the emotions of the inner self, being able to get people to feel what you are doing.”

The weeklies asked musicians and their readers about the issues of the moment: the swinging capital, the latest Beatles single –  “Paperback Writer” was “not as good as they used to be”, said Vera Shotton (19). In autumn 1966, Disc’s Bob Farmer took a tour round the UK: Liverpool, Manchester, Newcastle, Bristol. In Birmingham he found that the youth might have loved Tamla and soul but they also had “a distaste for the droves of coloured immigrants”.

In Rave’s March 1966 issue, Dawn James took the Who’s Pete Townshend to task when he talked openly about taking drugs: “smoking hashish is harmless and everyone takes it”. As she retorted, “He is wrong, of course, everyone doesn’t. I don’t. Cliff Richard doesn’t. Twinkle my sister doesn’t. Lulu doesn’t. Paul Jones doesn’t. Dozens of people involved in pop lead normal lives. But to the world of the Who drugs are a normal thing.”

As Disc and Music Echo’s regular singles reviewer, Penny Valentine was on the front line of the year’s overwhelming onrush of styles, sounds and attitudes. She had to make snap judgements and more than often she got it right. Confronted with the Four Tops’ “Reach Out I’ll Be There”, she wrote, “If you have ever been lonely, if you have any soul or any heart at all you must go and buy this disc now. After you have heard it you will never need to listen to another record for as long as you live.”

That didn’t stop her becoming infuriated by the Yardbirds’ third single of 1966, “Happenings Ten Years Time Ago”: “I have had enough of this sort of excuse for music,” she said. “It is not clever, it is not entertaining, it is not informative. It is boring and pretentious. I am tired of people like the Yardbirds thinking this sort of thing is clever when people like the Spoonful and the Beach Boys are putting real thought into their music. And if I hear the word psychedelic mentioned I will go nuts.” The record was a chart flop.

The stresses and strains of the year were all there. In a similar way, the weeklies and monthlies aimed at young women were poised between traditional roles – the idea that marriage was the summit of female aspiration – and the new freedoms tentatively proposed by contemporary icons such as Dusty Springfield (the one female singer who was in charge of her music) and Cathy McGowan, the charismatic, much-imitated presenter of Ready Steady Go!.

Honey’s February 1966 issue contained adverts for “Modern Wedding Etiquette” – and even a feature that proclaimed “Bride of the Month” – but there was also a long feature about “jobs for the girls”, which announced, rather optimistically, “Anyone Can Do Anything Anywhere”. At the same time, Rave had women’s style pages proclaiming “Fashions for the Jet Set”, posing young models next to BEA aircraft and wearing two-piece “go-anywhere” suits by Biba, among others.

Rave’s regular advice feature “This Is Your Life” discussed topics such as drugs and premarital sex. The May issue addressed the mid-Sixties phenomenon of young women leaving home and finding bedsits in central London. The answers from Ian McLagan (Small Faces) and Wendy Varnals (from the new TV show A Whole Scene Going) were sensible and realistic: “London swallows you up. It is madness to come here without a job and a home.” As Rave warned, “there are a lot of lonely girls in London, still-on-the-outside-looking-in”.

In general these magazines constituted a thorough investigation of the teenage mindset, its hopes, its obsessions, its fears and aspirations. Because, in 1966, pop was for youth: coverage in mainstream newspapers and monthlies was comparatively rare – often very well observed (as in John Heilpern’s Observer piece on Kit Lambert and Chris Stamp, the business brains and managers of the Who), but not from within. It was the arena of the time, but not burdened with self-consciousness or filtered through an excess of opinion and ego.

In 1966, it still seemed possible to write for a unitary market. That would change in 1967, as drugs and the counterculture did for the old-style music press. Already in late 1966, the weeklies were struggling, as were their readers, with the onset of psychedelia: partly because it demanded a new language, partly because it so obviously espoused drugs. Letters to the Melody Maker castigated marijuana as “evil” and psychedelic music as “a contrived studio sound to hide the inadequacies of many new groups”.

New publications were launched to chart this change. In America, Paul Williams’s Crawdaddy! began presenting serious pop writing a year before Rolling Stone and, in late 1966, invented the term “rock”. Underground magazines such as the Los Angeles Free Press, London’s International Times and the East Village Other charted the politicisation of youth in the Sunset Strip curfew
riots, the Provo riots in Amsterdam, and the protests at UC Berkeley. The age of innocence – or willed ignorance – was over.

Like the UK top ten, which in early 1967 featured a high proportion of ballads (“Release Me”, “This Is My Song”), the UK pop magazines began to lose their central position. It was their job to reflect the charts, after all, and these were becoming increasingly polarised. For most of 1966, however, they held all the different strands in their hands. Pumping pop nationwide in all its complexity and paradoxes, they remain one of the best historical records of a powerful and still contested time.

Jon Savage’s “1966” will be published on 19 November by Faber & Faber

Man on a wire: The playful simplicity of Alexander Calder

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The wonder of Calder's work with wire, on display at the Tate, is that their beauty makes you laugh.

When my wife saw the recent show of Picasso’s sculptures at the Museum of Modern Art in New York, she noticed something seldom seen in an art gallery. Everyone was smiling: at the bull made from a bicycle saddle and handlebars; at the bronze baboon whose face is an amalgam of two toy cars; at the goat with massive dugs, inches from the earth, curved and solid as yams. In this Alexander Calder show, there are animals, too, and it is hard to keep the pleasure out of your face. For example, the diminutive dog whose outsized, elongated head – big ears and open, panting jaw – is a sprung clothes peg. A corgi, I’d say. Even Queen Victoria might be amused.

In Goldfish Bowl (1929), there are two prognathous wire goldfish, large and small, as sulky as pike. Calder has caught perfectly their ruthless hard mouths, as it were doubly outlined with lipstick; the fish resemble matrons of America in search of the restroom and malicious gossip. Above them are scrolls of stylised billows and, to their left, a long, wavering ladder of weed. A wonderful Leopard (1927) lies with two simple wire hoops for its raised haunches, but its long body is a tightly curled length of wire, with a necklace of crowded loops that represent the leopard’s vertebrae and the leopard’s spots. Its flat cat’s face is represented by the dressmaker’s hook from the hook and eye, which elsewhere Calder uses as the sign for male genitalia.

His Elephant (1927) is another brilliant drawing with wire. Whereas the leopard is tautly pulled tight – those loops couldn’t be smaller – the elephant is baggier. Its trunk is a loose roulade of dull silver wire. All four square legs are a single length of wire, quasi-crenellated as it moves from one leg to the next. But the genius is in Calder’s depiction of the slobbering, triangular lower lip. Here, in a sculpture where everything else is joined-up writing, the lip is a bit of wire left hanging, loose, open. You look and you laugh – at the accuracy, at the economy of means, and because this art is cognate with the cartoon.

Of all artists’ signatures, Calder’s is the one nearest to that of a cartoonist. What these wire hybrid drawing-sculptures have in common with the cartoon is economy, exactitude and a witty semiology that depends on the admission of exaggeration and caricature – and the desire to make you laugh. Calder’s animals are up there with Picasso’s, with David Jones’s, with Giacometti’s self-ironising Twiglet Dog (1951), a spindly Afghan hound, sagging like a skein of wool, so you feel that you could wind it off into a ball. (The dog as comic depression, rather than the genuine “black dog”.)

The French novelist Henry de Montherlant said that happiness writes white. Tolstoy said that happy families are all happy in the same way. Calder gives happiness good press. Far from being a monotonous, dull artist, he is both abundant and unstoppably various. As a young man, before establishing himself in Paris, he worked commercially for the Gould Manufacturing Company of Oshkosh, Wisconsin, designing “a new line of action toys”. His talent isn’t injured by the snobbery of seriousness. He became famous for performances of Calder’s Circus. The contemporary critic Michel Seuphor wrote: “We would wildly applaud the tossing, from one man to another, of the acrobats’ white handkerchief or the picking up of the dung after the chariot race.” That dung is what differentiates Calder from the cartoonist and the toymaker: helpless, uncensored realism.

Calder went on to design a customised colour scheme for BMW-Calder Car in 1975. Even aeroplanes were part of his remit: Flying Colors (1973) for a DC-8 jet, 157 feet long, and Flying Colors of the United States (1975) for a 727-200 jet. He designed rugs, jewellery and cutlery. He made exquisite “stabiles”, monumental sculptures that effortlessly avoid monumentality: for instance, Heads and Tail (1965), which stands outside the Neue Nationalgalerie in Berlin. Without being a literal cat, it is a cat – with more than one head and seven legs. It is made from sheet steel painted black. Who else but Calder could have made this unrelenting material so fluid? There is the cat wanting to be fed, speaking Chinese (“mkgnao”), tail upright, all tangling, touselling tribadism. Calder – the greatest show on earth and that isn’t just his wonderful circus.

This Tate Modern exhibition ­concentrates on the wire sculptures, the wire portraits and the mobiles. It focuses on the shifts from the static, to the motorised, to the mobiles. There is only a fraction of his output here but it presents a coherent approach that will leave you, after two or three hours, exhausted by the brilliance on show. Here we can see wire portraits, all from 1930, of Fernand Léger, Joan Miró, Edgard Varèse and Amédée Ozenfant. They capture a likeness related to caricature but which escapes it. How? It is partly that we are acutely aware of difficulty surmounted. Calder’s chosen medium is wire, with its residual recalcitrance, which he uses as easily as the graphite of a pencil. It is like seeing the continuous line of a Matisse drawing. And although techniques are shared from portrait to portrait – the rough, oval outline of the face lying behind the features; a figure of eight for lips and chin; a circle for the chin – the medium bends (le mot juste) to the requirements of each sitter’s face.

Léger’s moustache is somewhere between a broken comb and an agglomeration of dead matches. The eyes are crucial, and differently rendered in every case – from the delicious dead eyes (and thin mouth) of Varèse to the black, Spanish whorls of Miró (and his lank strands of hair and the long philtrum under his nose). You watch the wire on its fluent journey – from the ears to the iris and pupil, then back out and up into the eyebrows and down to the nose. It is like watching water find the easiest route. Voilà, eso Miró.

Calder’s way with wire encompasses action, too. There is a perfect portrait of Helen Wills (1928), kitted out in a Teddy Tinling-style skirt and her trademark visor. The skirt is a simple panel with an all-round hem. Her breasts are an infinity sign – a figure of eight on its side – but her body is as uninflected by femininity as you might expect from a tennis champion whose racket is an extension of her reaching right arm (the junction is marked by a crinkle in the wire). She is reaching to her right to return a low ball on the half-volley. Calder’s simplicity is surprisingly informative.

There are several wire acrobats here. They have none of the vague gloom that characterises Picasso’s pink-and-grey saltimbanques standing about in the sunless, empty landscape. One female summons applause with her raised arms and reveals her armpit hair. Her quite weighty breasts are represented not by a simple circle but by an outwardly curving line from the armpit, a line that captures their volume.

In The Brass Family (1929), Calder gives us a pyramid held by and balanced on the male strongman. His armpit hair is also Calder’s wire signature. The composition uses thicker wire and thinner wire. The strongman is constructed of the thick wire. His breast bone extrudes and is broken in the middle, perhaps to suggest effort and breathing. At the extremes of his arms are a girl on the left and a boy on the right – the impossibility minimised and cheated by the exclusive use of the thinnest wire for both. On his upper arms are two adolescents, male and female, through whom run the thick wire from the strongman at the base. These two support a woman, horizontal, on her side, breasts hanging down. Her upper side is a continuation of the thick wire. Presumably, she is Mrs Strongman. Doing a one-handed handstand on her waist is a young boy, made entirely of the finer wire. It is an early chef-d’oeuvre. And if it looks backward to the circus, it also looks forward to Calder’s mobiles.

Common to both, essential to both, is the conception of balance. There are a couple of wire sculptures that suggest the trembling effort to maintain balance – especially the one involving two males, in which one is balancing one-handed on the head of the other – but mainly Calder chooses to occlude the effort and celebrate the certainty and poise, as, of course, the performers do.

This brings us to the mobiles, the telos of this show, in which balance is all. These sculptures are difficult to describe, almost impossible, in fact. But let me first try with a drawing, Many (1931). It doesn’t even reproduce satisfactorily, as simple as it is. Calder was always candid about the universe as his source of inspiration, dating from the epiphany he experienced as a merchant seaman: “It was early one morning on a calm sea, off Guatemala, when over my couch – a coil of rope – I saw the beginning of a fiery, red sunrise on one side and the moon looking like a silver coin on the other . . . It left me with a lasting sensation of the solar system.” Many is black ink on thick laid paper: a hollow moon is towards the bottom right; over and up to the left are beautifully placed black planets of varying size. That’s it. You can’t describe how elegant, how inevitable, this is. It could not be otherwise, though it is irregular. It has all the inevitability of a pattern, without any observable pattern. You have to see it.

The mobiles, too, have to be seen. I had three favourites. The 1946 work Untitled (Mobile with N Degrees of Freedom) differs from most other Calder mobiles because nothing – no objects, no discs, no spheres – is suspended from the wires. There are only the wires, arranged in a canopy of open safety pins. In the other mobiles, these hangers are both visible and notionally invisible. Here, they are present, strikingly bare in contrast to the red, blue and yellow abstract “dinosaur” that supports them and may have eaten the leaves. Red Sticks (1942) is a series of red lacquered sticks suspended from each other and diminishing in size. At the bottom are two wooden weights. Somehow, looking at this, the solar system gets assimilated into a coolie carrying heavy objects on a yoke, buckets of water – here, two wooden planets.

It is impossible to resist natural analogies. Foliage, petals and parted feathers offer up their shapes. Snow Flurry I (1948) has a title that makes sense but, before I saw the label, it looked to me like a great cabbage white, complete with proboscis, tendrils, aerials and those paned butterfly wings in every unadorned wire. Go. See for yourself.

“Alexander Calder” runs until 3 April 2016. For more details visit: tate.org.uk

© 2015 CALDER FOUNDATION, NEW YORK/DACS, LONDON

I was a campaign virgin when I saw Gordon Brown meet Mrs Duffy

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“Mrs Duffy,” the reporter began, a smudge of fake concern loitering between his eyes, “we have to tell you the prime minister just said something . . .”

It was Duffy Day, or Biddygate, or Gaffe-a-thon: Rochdale, 2010. I was a campaign virgin.

I stood in the press huddle as Gillian Duffy heckled Gordon Brown. Because she was an elderly woman who had always voted Labour, he couldn’t punch her in the face, or tell her to piss off. It’s one of the principles of campaigning. There must be hugs, when love there is none.

Duffy and Brown were expected to reconcile in order to fix the Britain that is not broken: such is the importance of symbolism, rather than fact, in political campaigning. That is why Cameron goes jogging and strokes foetuses in utero. Babies are not vulnerable enough to demonstrate his goodness. He needs something smaller.

As Brown left, the press gathered round Duffy to fill a fifth paragraph, gild their story: Biddy assaults PM. Mrs Duffy kept asking us, helplessly, “Has David Cameron ever had a proper job?” No one answered her; that wasn’t the story. The story was: Biddy assaults PM. As the huddle dispersed, I followed her. I wanted to answer her question. Nope.

A television news producer arrived. It was Sky. It is usually Sky when the worst happens; the Apocalypse travels with them in their emergency news vehicle, drinks coffee.

“Mrs Duffy,” he began, a smudge of fake concern loitering between his eyes, “we have to tell you the prime minister just said something . . .”

Brown had called her a “bigoted woman” in the car and had not taken off his microphone. Blair did this once, I was told, at the BBC. The sound technicians heard him pissing in the loo. I think he did it deliberately.

Mrs Duffy looked surprised.

Brown went on the Jeremy Vine show to apologise, forgot there was a camera, and was photographed with his head in his hands. He went to Mrs Duffy’s home. I missed both of these because I was new to the campaign and I believed in the schedule; hell, I even believed that none of this mattered. When Brown prostrated himself before Nemesis, I was buying a skirt.

We went to lunch with Peter Mandelson, as punishment. He said it wouldn’t have happened to Blair because Blair wouldn’t do a walkabout on a council estate. I left early because I had to file. Hackette leaves lunch in tears, said Private Eye; everyone was at it.

I was allowed five minutes with Brown. I think there was mirth in his eyes, but it was the mirth of fatalism: you laugh because laughter, unlike dignity, cannot be taken from you. I wrote the truth – that they’d broken him – for the Daily Telegraph and donated my fee to the Labour Party. When I told a Telegraph executive what I’d done she said, “Don’t give my money to Labour.” “My money now,” I said, as the remnants of the postwar consensus collapsed.

Suzanne Moore is away

Getty

Morning Call: The best from Gibraltar

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A selection of the best articles about politics, business and life on the Rock from the last seven days.

It’s Friday the 13th– a date of no significance whatsoever, so we’re not going to pander to superstition. Instead we’ll comment that the Gibunco Literary Festival is underway according to the Gibraltar Chronicle, as previewed on this hub last week, but there’s more serious stuff going on.

The political parties are at war (it says in the Olive Press) over a bakery and its financing. Embarrassing to all will be the revelation in the Guardian that an anti-EU group is funded through a Gibraltar-based account. The people commenting in Euro Weekly about Gibraltar’s status as very pro-EU won’t be happy.

In economic news, the fight over the airport and the tunnel has finally been resolved in the government’s favour. Joe Bossano has been upbeat about the economy. The Maritime Journal reports on a major new building development.

Finally, sometimes there’s an unfortunate story with an innocent bystander involved and the Olive Press reports just such an occasion. TV presenter Ben Shepherd had a call from a viewer suggesting he turned on the Rock’s Christmas lights. Excited, he announced that he was going to Gibraltar to do so, never having turned on Christmas lights anywhere before – only to find that there was no official invitation and the Gib government had to issue a denial.

There’s always the lights in your living room, Ben…

Photo: Getty
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